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The Limits of Social Policy epub

by Nathan Glazer


The Limits of Social Policy epub

ISBN: 0674534433

ISBN13: 978-0674534438

Author: Nathan Glazer

Category: Social Sciences

Subcategory: Politics & Government

Language: English

Publisher: Harvard University Press; 1st edition (August 25, 1988)

Pages: 224 pages

ePUB book: 1241 kb

FB2 book: 1616 kb

Rating: 4.1

Votes: 462

Other Formats: lit lrf lrf lit





Nathan Glazer’s long-held distinction in the study of social policy in America is once more reaffirmed in this fascinating volume. The book sparkles with fresh material and also fresh, coruscating insights.

Nathan Glazer’s long-held distinction in the study of social policy in America is once more reaffirmed in this fascinating volume. Near the end of the Reagan Administration, Nathan Glazer, one of the outstanding sociologists of his day, set out to summarize what 25 years of massive government efforts had achieved in achieving the era's 17 year commitment (1963-1980) to massive Federal Government expenditure to achieve The Great Society and eight years of a different outlook although continued growth in Federal budgetary.

1923-02-25)February 25, 1923

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent minimum standard . Nathan Glazer has been a leading analyst and critic of those measures.

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent minimum standard of living for all Americans, ran into trouble in the 1980s-with politicians, with social scientists, and with the American people. Nathan Glazer has been a leading analyst and critic of those measures

Nathan Glazer, one of the country’s foremost urban sociologists, who became most closely identified with the circle of disillusioned liberals known as the . One of his books was titled The Limits of Social Policy, published in 1988.

Nathan Glazer, one of the country’s foremost urban sociologists, who became most closely identified with the circle of disillusioned liberals known as the neoconservatives, died on Saturday at his home in Cambridge, Mass. He was 95. His daughter, Sarah Glazer Khedouri, confirmed his death. On most areas of public policy, he said, I consider myself pragmatic, rather than a man of the left or a man of the right. As a social scientist, Mr. Glazer valued hard facts over good intentions. At the same time, he was modest about what the facts could show.

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent standard of living .

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent standard of living for all Americans, ran into trouble in the 1980s with politicians, with social scientists, and with the American people. Glazer's knowledge and judgment, distilled in this book, will be a source of advice and wisdom for citizens and policymakers alike.

The Limits of Social Policy. T. here is a general sense that we face a crisis in social policy, and in almost all its branches. Whether this crisis derives from the backwardness of the United States in social policy generally, the revolt of the blacks, the fiscal plight of the cities, the failure of national leadership, the inherent complexity of the problems, or the weakening of the national fiber, and what weight we may ascribe to these and other causes, are no easy questions to settle.

In his bluntly titled 1988 book, The Limits of Social Policy, Glazer examined two decades’ worth of programs and reached a sobering conclusion: Against the view that to every problem there is a solution, I came to believe that we can have only partial and less than wholly satisfying answers to the social problems in question.

Sociologist Nathan Glazer's remarkably long and productive career as a New York intellectual spans seven . It is organized into sections corresponding to Glazer's wide ranging interests: ethnicity, race, social policy and urbanism, and architecture.

Sociologist Nathan Glazer's remarkably long and productive career as a New York intellectual spans seven decades from the Great Depression era to the late. He has written on the myth of the American melting pot, the nature of American communism, the perils and importance of affirmative action, and the limits of social policy.

Nathan Glazer, who died last month at age ninety-five, enjoyed an illustrious career that spanned seven decades and the fields of sociology, public policy, politics and urban studies

Nathan Glazer, who died last month at age ninety-five, enjoyed an illustrious career that spanned seven decades and the fields of sociology, public policy, politics and urban studies. He wrote on the myth of the American melting pot, the nature of American communism, the unsavory methods of Senator Joseph McCarthy, the perils and importance of affirmative action, the social failure of modern architecture and on the limits of social policy. Glazer’s intellect was voracious, his mind perpetually curious, open and unpredictable

Many social policies of the 1960s and 1970s, designed to overcome poverty and provide a decent minimum standard of living for all Americans, ran into trouble in the 1980s―with politicians, with social scientists, and with the American people. Nathan Glazer has been a leading analyst and critic of those measures. Here he looks back at what went wrong, arguing that our social policies, although targeted effectively on some problems, ignored others that are equally important and contributed to the weakening of the structures―family, ethnic and neighborhood ties, commitment to work―that form the foundations of a healthy society. What keeps society going, after all, is that most people feel they should work, however well they might do without working, and that they should take care of their families, however attractive it might appear on occasion to desert them.

Glazer proposes new kinds of social policies that would strengthen social structures and traditional restraints. Thus, to reinforce the incentive to work, he would attach to low-income jobs the same kind of fringe benefits―health insurance, social security, vacations with pay―that now make higher-paying jobs attractive and that paradoxically are already available in some form to those on welfare. More generally, he would reorient social policy to fit more comfortably with deep and abiding tendencies in American political culture: toward volunteerism, privatization, and decentralization.

After a long period of quiescence, social policy and welfare reform are once again becoming salient issues on the national political agenda. Nathan Glazer’s deep knowledge and considered judgment, distilled in this book, will be a source of advice, ideas, and inspiration for citizens and policymakers alike.

25 years old and still well worth reading. Near the end of the Reagan Administration, Nathan Glazer, one of the outstanding sociologists of his day, set out to summarize what 25 years of massive government efforts had achieved in achieving the era's 17 year commitment (1963-1980) to massive Federal Government expenditure to achieve The Great Society and eight years of a different outlook although continued growth in Federal budgetary deficits. His conclusion was discouraging, to say the least, but he did see some hopeful signs of possible improvements by relying less (although still heavily) on the Federal Government and more upon governmental and non-governmental agencies more consonant with American traditions of decentralization of decision-making through both formal and informal agencies. Yes, of course, specifics have changed since he wrote, but not the dilemmas to which he points, bureaucratic rigidities, stultification of fundamental American values, and no unequivocal success in remedying perceived deficiencies in many areas and new unforeseen problems plaguing us. My own most vivid memory flashes are of television pictures showing massive high rise developments in St. Louis and the nearby city of Baltimore being razed by massive explosions because they had become hell holes in which to live even for the poor citizens for whom they were intended.
I put these points without Glazer's careful modulation and citation of worthy research; he is not a radical anything. His discussion of what has happened is measured, calm and non-tendentious; his recommendations and expectations are modest. Most importantly, he is aware of the fact, why not obvious to all involved, that the nature of the American Government and its peoples, their character and expectations, as well as the mechanisms by which it has grown and prospered beyond any other nation, are different than those in Sweden, Denmark or even most influential upon us and from which we separated, England.
Read this as part of the history of an era, read it as a still vital discussion of where we should be going, but, do read it if you have a continuing concern with the success of our continued search for the best mechanism by means we can foster the greatest good for the greatest number of our citizens.
Something that will make you think and evaluate your thinking.