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The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism (Modern Middle East Series) epub

by Michael Provence


The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism (Modern Middle East Series) epub

ISBN: 0292706804

ISBN13: 978-0292706804

Author: Michael Provence

Category: Other

Subcategory: Humanities

Language: English

Publisher: University of Texas Press; 1st edition (August 1, 2005)

Pages: 223 pages

ePUB book: 1470 kb

FB2 book: 1584 kb

Rating: 4.6

Votes: 670

Other Formats: lit doc lrf mobi





Series: Modern Middle East Series (Book 22). Paperback: 223 pages.

Series: Modern Middle East Series (Book 22). In the Great Syrian Revolt the author argues that the revolt of the people of Syria in the 1920's against the French was on of the first examples of Arab nationalism and would shed light on later movements for independence. This was a revolt against France who had been put in charge of this part of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War 1. Contrary to popular belief the Middle East is nowhere near a culturally of religiously homogeneous area and it was even less of one then.

The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism (Modern Middle East Series (Austin, Te., 22). Michael Provence. Download (pdf, . 2 Mb) Donate Read. Epub FB2 mobi txt RTF. Converted file can differ from the original. If possible, download the file in its original format.

The greatest challenge to the benevolent view has always been the French . They also suppressed the story of the revolt

The greatest challenge to the benevolent view has always been the French bombing of Damascus during the revolt. Provence shows more; he shows the widespread bombing of villages in Jabal Druze, around Damascus and Hama, and west to Rashayya in Lebanon over the two-year course of the rebellion. He also shows well organized, even if locally situated, rebel forces acting in response to appeals from leaders whom they knew. They also suppressed the story of the revolt. For the French it was a rebellion of a discrete minority within Syria aided by outside elements and taken advantage of by bandits for personal gain.

The Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 was the largest and longest-lasting anti-colonial insurgency in the .

The Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 was the largest and longest-lasting anti-colonial insurgency in the inter-war Arab East. Mobilizing peasants, workers, and army veterans, rather than urban elites and nationalist intellectuals, it was the first mass movement against colonial rule in the Middle East. The revolt failed to liberate Syria from French occupation, but it provided a model of popular nationalism and resistance that remains potent in the Middle East today.

The substance of this concise monograph is less the Great Syrian Revolt (only the first six months receive extensive .

The substance of this concise monograph is less the Great Syrian Revolt (only the first six months receive extensive discussion) than how the transformation of society, economy, and politics gave rise to Syrian nationalism in the Druze hinterland. The reader learns nothing new about Arab nationalism; in fact, Arab nationalism is irrelevant to the revolt without the qualifier "Syrian.

A history of the largest and longest-lasting people’s revolt in the Arab East, which attempted to liberate Syria from .

A history of the largest and longest-lasting people’s revolt in the Arab East, which attempted to liberate Syria from French rule in 1925. We’re dedicated to reader privacy so we never track you. We don’t accept ads.

EliePodeh, The Politics of National Celebrations in the Arab Middle East (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011). Volume 44 Issue 4 - Lucia Volk. Edward Said’s Thoughts and Palestinian Nationalism.

The Great Syrian Revolt of 1925 was the largest and longest-lasting anti-colonial insurgency in the inter-war Arab East. Mobilizing peasants, workers, and army veterans, rather than urban elites and nationalist intellectuals, it was the first mass movement against colonial rule in the Middle East. The revolt failed to liberate Syria from French occupation, but it provided a model of popular nationalism and resistance that remains potent in the Middle East today. Each subsequent Arab uprising against foreign rule has repeated the language and tactics of the Great Syrian Revolt.

In this work, Michael Provence uses newly released secret colonial intelligence sources, neglected memoirs, and popular memory to tell the story of the revolt from the perspective of its participants. He shows how Ottoman-subsidized military education created a generation of leaders of modest background who came to rebel against both the French Mandate rulers of Syria and the Syrian intellectuals and landowners who helped the colonial regime to function. This new popular nationalism was unprecedented in the Arab world. Provence shows compellingly that the Great Syrian Revolt was a formative event in shaping the modern Middle East.

This is a reference work on the Syrian Revolt of 1925-27 and the Syrian history at large. Provence uses his academic training combined with his fluency in at least three languages (English, French and Arabic), to produce this great work in which he shakes some earlier traditional accounts on this revolt.

First, Provence recreates the Ottoman Empire context to show how the split between Syria's notables and its countryside people and the role of each of them in public life was reinforced by the Ottoman government. To start with, the sons of notables were sent to civil schools in the hope that they would become civil servants and eventually occupy leading positions in the state while the sons of the countryside and the less privileged were sent to the military school where they became military officers. This duality proved to be essential in the understanding of the Middle East region where half a dozen countries witnessed coups and the eventual creation of military dictatorships at the expense of the leadership of notable families. Provence also disputes earlier history records that show the notables as the heroes of the Syrian revolt where as in fact, the revolt was led by the more rural tribes.

Second, Provence rightly disputes the official version of the current Syrian regime about the revolt saying that the Alawite regime did not want to teach the history of this revolt as the alliance between the Sunnis and the Druzes in Syria while the Alawites of the north were relatively cooperating with the French. Instead, the Syrian regime account has it that the revolt was a number of mini revolts that occurred throughout Syria and in which the Alawites had a role.

Third, Provence very correctly depicts the Druze-Sunni alliance during the revolt as an alliance of interest. Unlike how the West views sects of the Middle East as monolithic blocs whose loyalties shift randomly, Provence proved that the Druze farmers of southern Syria had ties with the Sunni wheat merchants of Damascus, thus the political bond during the anti-French revolt in 1925 was the fruit of this trade bond.

Reading this book would certainly teach readers some lessons on current events, especially about the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon where sects drew alliances among themselves and with foreign powers in the same manner that Syrians of the 1920 did.

This is a great book and perhaps the best one on this issue in the market.
In the Great Syrian Revolt the author argues that the revolt of the people of Syria in the 1920's against the French was on of the first examples of Arab nationalism and would shed light on later movements for independence. This was a revolt against France who had been put in charge of this part of the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War 1. Contrary to popular belief the Middle East is nowhere near a culturally of religiously homogeneous area and it was even less of one then. In the retelling of the revolt Provence clearly explains the difference between the urban merchant intelligentsia many of whom worked in the colonial civil service and the rural herdsmen and farmers some of whom had trained in the Ottoman military academy. Each saw the revolt thorough very different lenses.
Despite the class and often religious differences, Provence argues that the revolt ,which was led mostly by rural forces, there were appeals to pan Arab of at least Syrian consciousness. Although he readily admits that this nationalism meant different things to different to different people, Provence says that this vague national identity was not elite led but rather was formed from the bottom up. I did not find this conclusion fully supported by the evidence. Many of the rebels the author describes come off more as rural bandits and warlords rather than freedom fighters and if there was a national identity it seem to have been in direct opposition to the ruling identity of the French. If there was a thread of nationalism to be found in this revolt it was not the type that would lead to an independent sovereign government and, as the author himself admits, by the end of the revolt there is very little nationalist sentiment left in the participants.
Like the other reviewers have said, this is not an easy read and all the different Arabic names begin to run together for someone not familiar with the language like myself. But for someone interested in the history of this region and what does and does not constitute nationalism this would be a very interesting book. While this is not necessarily the rise of Arab nationalism it is the story of colonial people coming together against their oppressor.
When Professor Provence assembled his history of the Syrian uprising of 1925 - as underappreciated at home as in the West - little could he dream of its re-enactment less than a decade later. If the historic failure of this earlier revolt was a tragedy, is its second go-around the proverbial farce?

There were firsts in the 1925 natonalist revolt: sustained terror bombing of civilians by air did not originate in Guernica, during the Spanish civil war, but by the French in the towns and villages around Damascus and in the capital itself. There were contemporary parallels: the Americans in Santo Domingo and Haiti. There are modern analogies: the rise of the Free Syrian Army continues the tradition of officer-rebels dating from Ottoman times.

But one striking difference was the search for national unity in the rebels of 1925, a conscious drive to overcome Syria's notorious sectarian divides. In its new incarnation, the Syrian Revolt thrives on these divisions. The revolt of '25 was also homegrown - there was no subsidy by foreign powers seeking "regime change". The latter may be decisive in allowing the new generation to claim victory.

Ironically, both current regime and rebels claim this revolt's legacy for their own legitimization. Professor Provence's chief concern - the distortion of this legacy for partisan purposes - seems to be another continuing tradition in the bloody self-definition of Syria.